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Wednesday, May 10, 2006

An Imperial Rant

In response to the recent thread on Empire, and because I’m done grading papers, I just want to rant on say a few words on the term “empire” and why it is historically appropriate to apply the term to modern America. From Merriam-Webster we find the definition:

1 a (1) : a major political unit having a territory of great extent or a number of territories or peoples under a single sovereign authority; especially : one having an emperor as chief of state (2) : the territory of such a political unit b : something resembling a political empire; especially : an extensive territory or enterprise under single domination or control
2 : imperial sovereignty, rule, or dominion


While the English usage of empire today often especially implies rule by an “emperor as chief of state”, as the Merriam-Webster definition relates, historically the usage of the word by historians has had no so limitation. The word empire comes from the Latin root imperium, which at Rome referred to the supreme administrative power exercised by the kings under the monarchy, then certain magistrates and provincial governors during the Republic, and finally by the principate during what historians refer to as the “Roman Empire.” It this last usage that has particularly colored English usage. But the word imperium could also refer to dominion in general or the supreme power in any sphere, say that exercised by a military commander or even the head of a household.

The Latin term imperium was often the preferred word by Romans to translate the Greek word arche, which, when it refers to a ruling power, is translated into English as empire. So Herodotus talks about the Persian arche, Thucydides talks about the Athenian arche and Polybios about the Roman arche. These last two examples are particularly important, for the Athenians never had an emperor, and at the time Polybios wrote, Rome was still a Republic and had no emperor either. To back up this claim that the term empire is applied to a democratic state without an emperor, and not just some modern liberal conceit, I will only note one famous book on the Athenian arche, appropriately enough entitled, The Athenian Empire. Another common synonym for empire in the English language is “hegemony”. This comes from the Greek word hegemon, meaning general or leader. In history it was first applied to the various Greek city-states, such as Sparta, Athens or Thebes, that sought to extend their influence over other Greek city-states, as in “The Theban hegemony was led by Epaminondas.” Niall Ferguson uses “hegemony” as a synonym for empire in this article here, where he argues that having a world hegemon (America) isn’t such a bad thing. Another code phrase for a positive view of empire is a play on the Roman Empire’s Pax Romana -- the so-called “Roman Peace.” So we now often hear of the Pax Americana, most notably in the Project for the New American Century’s famous document of September of 2000, Rebuilding America’s Defenses. Funny thing about this term is, however, is that Rome never really had a period of peace. And who could forget what Tacitus wrote about those who enjoyed the Roman peace– “They create a desert and call it peace.” I suppose we could say that after WWII the world has enjoyed quite a bit of peace, except for the Cold War. And Korea. And Vietnam. And Grenada. And Panama. And Nicaragua. And the 1st Gulf War. And Afghanistan. And the 2nd Gulf War. But other than those, it’s been pretty peaceful.

All this is a long way of saying that the historic terms for empire (arche, imperium, hegemon, pax Romana...) traditionally have not been limited by historians to just states ruled by emperors. The Persians set up a military-administrative satrapy system to exert control over a wide area of diverse peoples and cultures, the Athenians used their navy to hold together her arche, Alexander the great used his phalanx, and Rome used her legions during both the Republic and the Principate. The important thing here is not so much whether a king is asserting authority, or a democracy, or a senate, or a principate, what counts is that power or the threat of force is exerted by some military. So to quote Michael Doyle in Empires

"Empire is a relationship, formal or informal, in which one state controls the effective political sovereignty of another political society. It can be achieved by force, by political collaboration, by economic, social, or cultural dependence. Imperialism is simply the process or policy of establishing or maintaining an empire."

Of this definition I would only say that under normal circumstances empires need only exert a modicum of overt control. Usually the threat of force and the implicit, often unstated, understanding of the relationship is enough for the weaker partner to act in the interests of the stronger partner as if those interests were their own, because of course the threat of force makes them their own.

Here are the territories of some Empires throughout history:

The Persian “Empire” here:










The Athenian “Empire” at it’s height:
















Alexander The Great’s “Empire”:













The Empires of Alexander’s Successors:











The Roman Empire at its height:











The Ottomans:














The British:











Now all these maps are a bit misleading if one imagines that all were centrally run from Persepolis, or Athens, or Pella or Rome... In each of these cases, the particular rulers usually did not govern their territories directly. They had surrogates or puppet governments propped up by military bases. Thus, the Romans had a series of military camps along rivers such as the Danube whose very presence kept the locals nearby in line. One of the more common terms for such a situation is “client state”.

Owing to the constraints of technology, all these empires in general required several boots on the ground in the inland places, so that when we hear the word empire today, we tend to imagine Roman soldiers with their plumes in far off places or perhaps British soldiers with their pointed caps. For some reason, we don’t imagine soldiers who wear camouflage in the desert, but never mind that.

Be that as it may, let’s see where American bases are:



Hmm. By any historical criteria, this in and of itself would be called an empire. But of course, it does not reflect the number of nuclear subs lurking under the surface of the ocean or even the ships roving the seas. For some reason some like to call this current world order neocolonialism, but I have to wonder what they think all those traditional military bases are really doing? I mean, does the US have over 730 military bases around the globe and they’re just window dressing, not really influencing or controlling other country’s policies?

Now, with all this in mind, I’d like to return to the great stink septic think tank website of William Kristol and his neocon manifesto of 1997, which was signed by many notable current members of the Bush administration:

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

Or

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:
• we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global 
responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;
• we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;
• we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;
• we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.


The list of signatories here is quite impressive – a who’s who of the Bush administration including Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Salmay Khalilizad, Paul Wolfowitz, Lewis Libby, and Elliot Abrams. In case you missed it, what each of these men signed on to was a policy of spending a ton of money on the military and then using said military to “promote” our interests and “challenge regimes hostile our interests and values.” What exactly do the words “promote” and “challenge” mean in this context other than to put that military to work for the supposed good of our national interest? What does it really mean to put the military to work other than to launch cruise missiles, drop bombs from planes and run tanks over anyone who gets in our way? Perhaps it can also mean that after the bombs drop, you interfere and stack the deck in the constitution in such a way so that your interests are protected, all the while hiding it from average people in your own country because it’s really in the interests of a few big companies.

Interestingly enough, in a roundtable discussion in 1996 on Israel’s economy, and thus 5 years before 9-11, two other denizens of the neoconservative movement and the Bush Administration, Douglas Feith and Richard Perle, famously called for the removal of Saddam Hussein. Is this just a coincidence? William Kristol also called for Saddam’s removal prior to 9-11. Why is that Americans are so ignorant of this? Why is it that only “pseudo” news shows, such as Colbert’s, are the only ones interviewing these guys and asking them how their Project is going?

One of the chief characteristics of an empire is the belief that the military is the best means to solve one’s international problems. Such a philosophy even has a name. It’s called militarism. One of the best barometers of whether a county is militaristic is, quite naturally, the priority it gives to military spending. In fact, those who endorse militaristic ideology often scorn other kinds of public expense. Theoretically then, one could measure the militaristic and imperial tendencies of the world’s countries by comparing how much they each spend on their military.



As we can see from this chart, America spends about as much money on her military as the rest of the countries in the world combined. What does that say about our priorities? A wise man once said, “Where your treasure is, there your heart also lies.”

While many militaristic societies in the past have persuaded themselves of the their cause, the world has yet to produce one that was not hated, opposed, and defeated. Sometimes it takes some decades or centuries, but at other times the defeats come stunningly fast. Who would have thought the Soviet Empire would have imploded so quickly? This often happens when a country has a poor leader or a series of poor leaders who open up wars on several fronts thus overstretching the military, or alienating allies by hubristic and self-interested behavior, or relying too much on a military economy, or not really having the resources to pay for all the campaigning and going into debt, or not planning for the inevitable plague or natural disaster. Does any of this sound familiar?

7 Comments:

At 2:39 PM, Blogger tenaciousmcd said...

An instructive analysis. Twisting this around, however, I'd ask this: would ancient Greece have been better off without Athenian hegemony, or the Europe of antiquity without Roman empire? Would today's world be a better place without the British empire of the 18th and 19th centuries, or without the Pax Americana of the 20th? My gut instinct tells me that the answers are no, no, no, and no.

 
At 2:52 PM, Blogger Stephanie said...

Paul, you seem to be suggesting that the United States is an empire because it has military bases in a variety of countries around the world. Those military bases, you suggest, amount to “the threat of force.” That perceived threat, according to your post, allows the United States to “control[] the effective political sovereignty of another political society.”

I cannot speak to every country that houses a United States Military base, but most, I am certain, do not fit within your paradigm. The United States is an invited guest in most European countries, and our presence there is minimal. Since you have some free time on your hands, you should compare U.S. military resources located in the countries designated on your map to the native forces in those countries. Although there will be outliers, I am fairly certain that you will, if you undertake this research, discover on balance that the United States is not implicitly threatening its host countries.

For example, your map indicates that the United States houses forces in England. From your post, one might draw the conclusion that the United States, through its military presence, “controls the effective political sovereignty” of England. But not even you could agree with such a ridiculous assertion. In a prior post, you noted that the Britons are prepared to unseat Tony Blair and withdraw their troops from Iraq, an action that the United States would not encourage. Where is United States’ show of empire, then, in England? There isn’t one. You also pointed out the United States’ recent disagreements with Germany, yet Germany, too, is included in your map of the United States’ empire. Your alleged empire, if it exists, is an extremely ineffective tool of political governance. Which means, of course, that under the definitions given in your post, it doesn’t exist.

Finally, your assertion that the United States’ military spending, by its sheer mass, constitutes a threat is disingenuous. If you truly want to convince readers that the United States’ spending indicates militarism, you should depict it, and the spending of other countries, as a percentage of GDP. You will find raw data from 2004 here: http://www.fas.org/man/crs/RL32209.pdf. Notice that many of the heavy spenders are in the Middle East. Maybe you should focus your charge of militarism more appropriately.

As a last aside, it is worth noting (as long as we are looking to the dictionary) that the Oxford English identifies "imperialism" as, among other things, a political term of disparagement employed in the capitalist/communist debate. Since you are clearly (a) a product of the Cold War era and (b)one who is aware of the various meanings of the rhetoric that you employ, I think that it is fair to point out that your previous post suggests the superiority of communist pacifism to the current governance of the United States, a position that is flatly wrong.

 
At 5:43 PM, Blogger Paul said...

Tmcd,

I'd say that just because one can point to certain positive aspects of empire (in the past or right now) it does not mean that unilateral decisions by the US right now are in the best interest of the world or the US. Working within international bodies such as the UN are far more preferable -- institutions that did not exist in the past. Not working within in international institutions will guarantee war -- constant and protracted war. And I would say that Greece would have been better off had Athens not lorded it over her neighbors and prompted the Peloponnesian War. This war and the fighting that followed weakened Greece, thus allowing the Macedonians to take it over a generation later.

Stephanie:

Having military bases in other countries has always been considered an indication of empire or outside influence in the host country. I am extremely familiar with the issue of US bases in two European countries -- one said good riddance to US bases in 1970s after the US-backed military junta was ejected (Greece) and the other is tired of them (Italy), except for the money they bring into the economy. If military bases don't imply some outside control, why doesn't the US let any other country set up a base on our soil? How would you personally feel if the French had a base in the US?

As for your point that US bases were mostly invited in after WWII, that's not quite right. The occupations of Germany and Italy were not invitations. As you might recall, after the war was over the Allies just divided up the pie. During the Cold War the American presence came to be appreciated more, so more bases popped up, but the Cold War is over. Much of Europe has now lost that lovin' feeling and we're still living in the past. Europe's big problem is that they don't want to pay for military security themselves, so for now they put up with our crap. That won't last forever. If we nuke Iran, I bet the peoples of Western Europe will demand that their leaders shutter all American bases -- whether the leaders will follow suit is another question. A few Eastern European countries would probably keep some. The US has already recognized the differing attitudes of Old and New Europe anyway, and that's why we're already in the process of moving bases out of the Old.

As for the criticism "That perceived threat, according to your post, allows the United States to “control[] the effective political sovereignty of another political society.”

If you recall, immediately under this definition I said:

Of this definition I would only say that under normal circumstances empires need only exert a modicum of overt control. Usually the threat of force and the implicit, often unstated, understanding of the relationship is enough for the weaker partner to act in the interests of the stronger partner as if those interests were their own, because of course the threat of force makes them their own.

OK, I should have added threat of economic or other forms of displeasure can also be coercive.

A good example of the seemingly invisible hand of a stronger partner exerting pressure on the weaker partner is well exemplified by the recent demotion of Jack Straw. He was demoted, so sources are saying, because George Bush called Blair and complained about his saying nuking Iran would be "nuts". For the story, see this. So, there is but one egregious example of American influence over British politics in the last week. It is not an isolated example. If Blair gets the ax and the UK withdraws its troops, watch the Bush administration react with some petty punitive measures to show its displeasure. Again, you seem to be defining "Empire" as absolute control at all times. It never really works that way in the real world. Empire is strong influence much or even some of the time. Another recent example of this sort of strong influence would be George Bush telling Zalmay Kalilizad to tell Jafari to withdraw his nomination, which Jafari did. Can you imagine what Americans would be saying if some other country exerted influence on our politics like either of these two examples?

I would say the GDP argument is a red herring --and I didn't say or even imply there weren't any other militaristic societies out there, and even if there are, they are not empires, at least not yet, and their existence does not disprove that America is militaristic. In this game, what really counts is the total outlay of the competitors at the table. Would you say that a guy didn't have a drinking problem if he drank a bottle of Jack Daniels everyday but he had access to two cases, while at the same time another guy had access to only 1/20 of bottle and he drank all of it? First of all would the second guy be relevent to the first guy, and second of all, would the second guy be an alcholic because he drank 100% of his Gross Jack Daniel Product?

The final paragraph gave me a good laugh. Now I must be a communist pacifist because I call the US an empire and criticize its imperial actions? As you might have noticed in my post, the vocabulary of empire and its political ramifications have been discussed long before Marxist ideas. Show me a Marxist thinker who contaminated me so that I used the terms imerperium, arche, hegemony, or pax Romana. If you can find one, it would be news to me. Or maybe Herodotus, Thucydides, Polybios and Tacitus were all communists too? But just to clarify things. My position is that the US should work within NATO, the UN, IAEA and not just go off on our own when it suits our whims. This is hardly communist pacifism. It is restrained and communal -- you know getting along with your neighbors, settling disputes peaceably. And just because I think one of the positive roles of government is to provide some check on multinationals also does not make me a communist. It makes me practical.

 
At 10:11 AM, Blogger tenaciousmcd said...

Paul, you answered a question I didn't ask--unilateral action by an imperial power. On that, I partly agree with you. With Iraq, at least, the US would have been much better off to have worked more WITH our allies rather than trying to bully a result few others wanted in a time frame for which few others were ready. But I consider this more of a prudential consideration than a strictly legal one, and I would reserve for the US the right to engage in unilateral action. One of the things I like about the UN is that I think, on balance, it is a useful tool of our empire, even when it doesn't give us our way. The spread of American interests and values depends heavily upon international institutions that adopt and embrace democratic norms, and, in its necessarily flawed way, the UN does that.

That said, how about the original question: were those four hegemonies mostly positive or mostly negative forces in their eras?

Stephanie, from your comments, I'm guessing that your negative reaction to the phrase "imperialism" derives from its common pejorative use on the left, which, as you note, does have roots in Marxist analysis (which, of course, is anything but "pacifist," even if that's how many of today's lefties use it). But taking Paul at his word that his analysis is NOT based on such premises but instead upon classical empire, why can't you concede that American power is at least analogous to Athenian or Roman? Like us, they were often invited in by "allies" who derived benefits from alliance but were anything but equal partners. If "imperialism" is too fraught a term, why not just use "hegemony" instead?

I wonder if what you're trying to do here is hang on to some myth of American innocence, one not so different from that of the dreaded lefty pacifists. While they want a foreign policy of "clean hands," you want to maintain a "clean conscience" by simply ignoring the dirt.

 
At 11:11 AM, Blogger Stephanie said...

I'm certainly not "ignoring the dirt." Go ahead- compare the level of American military at bases to the native military presence maintained by host countries. Then compare the behavior of our troops to the behavior of the Romans and the Athenians. The two are not analogous, no matter what dusty pseudo-scientific parade of horribles Iverson dredges up to the contrary.

As an aside, there is no appreciable United States military presence in France, and if the French wanted to put a base here in Ohio, I would not find it threatening in the least. With any luck, the commissary would be open to the public.

 
At 12:20 PM, Blogger Paul said...

Tmcd,

Well, I think my respose was relevant to your question. Hegemonies can generally be positive so long as they remain defensive in nature and the hegemon does not merely act blatantly in his own self interest but listens to allies. I think it a mistake to say (not that you're saying this), "O well, the Athenians at least built the Parthenon from their empire, so I really don't care if they were later toppled for imperialism. At least we got that beautiful temple from them." So, yes, having a good hegemon is desirable. The converse is also true -- a bad hegemon is very undesirable. It's like a company. Is it better to have no boss rather than one who is just selfish and violent? Many people say it's better to have no boss under such circumstances or they'll get rid of the bad one and take their chances with another. So, if I criticize a selfish and abusive boss I'm not saying that all bosses are bad. It is important to criticize where criticism is warranted. In the case of hegemonies, the turning point comes when the hegemon suddenly becomes hubristic and turns a defensive alliance such as the Delian League into nothing more than a tool for the hegemon (Athens) to promote its own interests -- on the offensive. This is the moment that a mutually beneficial relationship turns from a defensive alliance into blatant imperialism. NATO under American hegemony generally has worked well and would continue to work well, so long as the relationship is defensive in nature and we listen to our allies. But the neocon vision is explicitly offensive and unilateral in nature -- go out and use the military to "challenge" regimes for our personal US interests, rather than being patient and checking our foes in a box with the help of allies and the UN or IAEA. That's why Bush and his pals use sports metaphors saying things like "The best defense is a strong offense" or "We're going on the offensive so we don't have to go on the defensive and we'll go it alone if we have to." This doctrine of unilateral preemption, no matter what the stated goals are (liberty, democracy...) is a big mistake, because its offensive-mindedness has and will offend allies and foes alike. People don't trust preemptive acts of force and they will interpret it as imperialism, which it is. Allies will peel off, and foes or the lukewarm will decide it's best to start another arms race to check the US.

A timely example will hopefully shed light upon some of this. Yesterday afternoon I took issue with Stephanie's point about how the game of military spending is not about GDP, although that is an important tactical consideration when you are probing your enemy's weaknesses. But, if you're Russia or China and you're sitting at the table, you're going to look at total expenditure and behavior of the other people at the table to decide what course of action you will take. Yesterday in the late afternoon, just after I had written this, I read this news story (from Guardian) of a speech Putin gave yesterday. Mind you, Putin had been a lukewarm friend, but after Iraq he keeps getting colder everyday:

Mr Putin, in his speech, noted that the American military budget was 25 times the size of Russia's and said the US had turned its home into a castle.

"Good for them," the Russian president said, looking up from his notes, directly at his audience, "but this means we must make our own home strong and reliable. Because we see what is happening in the world. We see it."

He added, in what appeared to be a reference to the US-led invasion of Iraq and its approach to Iran: "As they say, 'comrade wolf knows whom to eat. He eats without listening and he is clearly not going to listen to anyone'."


I read elsewhere that the wolf is a villain in Russian folklore. Anyway, he went on to list a bunch of new spending priorities on upgrading the military, including nukes, to check American moves. He implied that since Russia doesn't have the US's resources, they would have to be smarter about using what they do have.

Now I'm not for a minute saying Putin is great guy and he's not a wolf himself. Even if he's a bastard, it doesn't mean that everything he says is wrong. My feeling is that no one knows the mind of a wolf better than a wolf. At any rate, his logic is unassailable. If the US is spending 25 times his budget and is just going to do as it pleases, then in order to protect his own castle, he's got to spend more too. It doesn't matter what his GDP is. This is primarily in direct response to Iraq and the coming attack of Iran. Again, my point isn't to apologize for Putin, but to just point out that offensive military moves (pre-emption) have already and will lead to a further escalation. Is it really in the US's interest to start another arms race? Can the US really afford to open up a third and fourth front? Right now we have two fronts: one in Afghanistan and the other in Iraq. Are we ready for Iran and Russia on top of this? Remember the neocon plan? It assumes that the Cold War is over. Who else will side with Russia and make it a fifth or even sixth? How many lives will be lost? Is this preferable to Iran getting a nuke?

An offensive/preemptive attack on Iran will, in my opinion, be an imperial act and will be viewed as such and will start a very unstable period of re-alliances that will lead to a serious set of unintended consequences far worse for American interests than letting Iran proceed with its nuclear program. A preemptive nuclear attack on Iran would just be off-the-scale nuts imperial hubris.

 
At 12:41 PM, Blogger Paul said...

Tmcd,

Perhaps you'll say I still didn't answer you directly about the 4 Empires. Looking in back at all four it is easy for us to point out the positive sub specie aeternatis. The important point to keep in mind is that nothing is more terrible for those living in a particular period than the process of ejecting a hegemon and what follows the ejection of a hegemon. That was Niall Ferguson's point. But, the ejection is inevitable if the hegemon is hubristic. Ergo, the best thing is for the world is for the hegemon to behave in a restrained manner and not just look out for his own interests. Right now the US is making the same mistakes every hegemon has. The same result is virtually certain to happen: big time war.

 

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